Taiwan Today

Founding Father Sun Yat-sen and President Chiang Kai-shek, whose birthdays occur within a span of less than two weeks, were not only two of the greatest revolutionaries in history but also good friends with complementary virtues

Modern China - the China of the Republic that was established with the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty in 1911 - has produced two men of supreme stature: Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the Founding Father, who died in 1925, and President Chiang Kai-shek. Their birthdays are observed less than two weeks apart - that of President Chiang on the last day of October and that of Dr. Sun on November 12. Both occasions were celebrated with special enthusiasm throughout the free Chinese world this year.

President Chiang's birthday is not a national holiday. He has always declined gifts and asked that no special attention be paid to October 31. This year the Chinese people could not heed his wishes. Parties in honor of the chief of state were held in all important world capitals outside the iron curtain. Millions trapped behind the curtain on the Chinese mainland saluted the nation's leader in their hearts; to have said anything would have been more than their lives were worth.

Dr. Sun's natal day is a national holiday customarily marked by ceremonies and lectures on San Min Chu I. These "Three Principles of the People" (Nationalism, Democracy and the People's Livelihood or Social Welfare) provide the governmental philosophy of the Republic of China and may be thought of as the building blocks of the Constitution.

Although President Chiang has gone on to serve the Republic for nearly a half century since Dr. Sun's passing, the two men were contemporaries and close friends. Their lives as revolutionaries had begun to overlap even before the Manchus were overthrown. In the eyes of Chiang Kai-shek, Sun Yat-sen was the "Master" - the mentor and teacher. To Dr. Sun, his favorite pupil was a young man who would become "the hero of our Revolution."

Chiang Kai-shek first heard of Sun Yat-sen from his tutor, Ku Ch'ing-lien. This teacher had been impressed by Dr. Sun and spoke enthusiastically of his revolutionary activities. The young Chiang soon decided on a military education abroad and the year 1905 found him in Tokyo, where he came into contact with Ch'en Ch'i-mei, a close associate of Sun Yat-sen. Two years later Chiang was sponsored by Ch'en as he joined Dr. Sun's Tungmenghui, a forerunner of the Kuomintang. But it was not until 1910 that Chiang and Dr. Sun finally met. The Master described him as "a man as we need in our revolutionary movement." Chiang had graduated from the Simbo Gokyo (Preparatory Military Academy) and was with the Japanese Army as an expectant cadet for the Japanese Military College.

The Wuchang uprising of October 10, 1911, persuaded Chiang that he would have to return to China and become a part of fast-moving events there. He reached Shanghai and joined Ch'en Ch'i-mei in revolutionary activities. With barely a hundred men, Chiang took Hanchow, the capital of his home province of Chekiang, while Ch'en captured Shanghai. Chiang refused a high post in the Chekiang revolutionary government and returned to Shanghai and a regimental command post in charge of training revolutionary recruits.

Sun Yat-sen respected Chiang Kai-shek's military judgment and leadership from the beginning. In 1913, Chiang commanded an assault on the Kiangnan arsenal held by forces of Yuan Shih-k'ai. Yuan was too strong, and his troops were supported by gunboats and the British. The mission failed. This was no reflection on Chiang, however, and in the following summer Sun Yat-sen put Chiang in charge of military operations against Yuan in the Shanghai and Nanking areas.

It was at this point that Chiang received his first political assignment from Sun. Military leaders in Chilin and Heilungkiang were reported favoring the cause of the National Revolution. Together with another supporter of the Republic, Chiang was sent to Manchuria to bring these warlords into the new national fold. They visited Harbin and other cities but found that the reports had been exaggerated and that the time to bring Manchuria under the Republic's standard had not arrived.

Chiang Kai-shek was 27 years old on the occasion of this mission. War had just broken out between Austria and Serbia. Already a keen observer of the international scene, Chiang wrote Dr. Sun, forecasting with complete accuracy the actions to be taken by Russia, France, England and Germany. "Silently observing the main trends of affairs," he wrote, "one can be sure that the Great World War is already like an arrow on the string of a stretched bow, ready to start off at any moment." He went; on to say that the war would weaken the cause of Yuan Shih-k'ai, because the European powers would be too preoccupied with their own affairs to pay any attention to China. He warned that Japan would take opportunistic advantage of the situation. To realize its secret ambitions, he wrote, "Japan would inevitably adopt the policy of openly helping our revolutionary party to bring about the downfall of the treasonable Yuan." Both Chiang and Sun had affection for Japan and the Japanese people, but this blinded neither of them to the realities of Japan's militaristic and imperialistic course.

In the spring of 1915, Ch'en Ch'i-mei left Japan for Shanghai to establish a South China base of military operations. He left Chiang in Japan to help Sun Yat-sen. The relationship between Chiang and Ch'en, who was the senior by II years, had reached the point where they considered themselves brothers. In October, Ch'en was named commander of revolutionary forces in Woosung and Shanghai and called for Chiang to join him. They attempted to recapture the Shanghai arsenal. The navy failed to back them up and Ch'en and Chiang narrowly escaped capture by the troops of Yuan Shih-k'ai.

The 1916 assassination of Ch'en by Yuan agents was a heavy blow to Chiang. Ch'en, who was 10 years younger than Sun Yat-sen, had been the link between Chiang and the Founding Father. Dr. Sun relied heavily on Ch'en. In the end, the emptiness left by Ch'en's death was to be filled by the friendship of Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek.

As John C.R Wu puts it in his Sun Yat-sen: The Man and His Ideas. "Sun and Chiang are men of different temperaments. Sun is a man of boundless breadth, while Chiang is a man of immeasurable depth. This does not mean that one has no depth any more than that the other has no breadth. True breadth carries the depth with it. Likewise, true depth carries the breadth with it. What I mean to say is that when one looks at Sun one is struck first of all by the universality of his vision; and when one looks at Chiang, one is impressed above all by his single-hearted fidelity and adamant integrity. The one is like the sky that broods over all; the other is like the earth that sustains all. Thus, the two great men are complementary, and their friendship is one of the most beautiful flowers of Chinese culture."

With the downfall and death of Yuan Shih-k'ai in 1916, North China fell into chaos. Dr. Sun decided the time had come for restoration of the Provisional Constitution of 1912. By August, more than 130 members of the illegally dissolved parliament had arrived in Canton. They instituted a military government and named Dr. Sun commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Chiang Kai-shek prepared for Sun a plan for an expedition to defeat the warlords of the north and bring the whole country under the Republic. The timing was premature. Warlords of the north were weak, but the Republic was not united and had its own problems with feudalistic generals. By May of 1917, Dr. Sun had felt compelled to resign, although he remained as one of the directors of the government. He left Canton for Swatow.

Meeting him there, Chiang wrote: "When I saw how haggard the Master looked, I was moved to tears."

In June, Dr. Sun went to Japan and then returned to Shanghai, where he was to spend more than two years in quiet and contemplative retirement. Chiang was left to work with Ch'en Chiung-ming in bringing the Fukien warlords to heel. In the spring of 1918 Chiang joined the Kwangtung Army at Dr. Sun's behest. Chiang soon had trouble with Ch'en, who was indecisive and unreliable. In March of 1919, Chiang was on leave in Shanghai to see both Dr. Sun and his mother, who was in poor health. After a long discussion with Dr. Sun, Chiang said, "So great are the thoughts of my Master that the longer I have received his instruction, the more intensely I have come to admire his wisdom. I am convinced that none of his followers can aspire to attain his heights and delve in to his depths."

Returning to the Kwangtung Army, Chiang soon learned that neither Ch'en Chiung-ming nor his underlings were motivated by the thinking and spirit of Sun Yat-sen. Chiang resigned in July, spent two months living quietly in Fukien, and then rejoined Dr. Sun at Shanghai. He thought of going to the United States or Europe for advanced study. Dr. Sun would not hear of it. He needed Chiang's military counsel. Chiang made a trip to Japan. Upon his return to Shanghai late in 1919, the ties with Sun Yat-sen were drawn closer. The Founding Father analyzed Chinese history for the younger man. Chiang learned that although Dr. Sun had been the moving force in overthrowing the Manchus, he had deep admiration for the political and legal institutions established during dynastic times.

Dr. Sun still had some belief and trust in Ch'en Chiung-ming. Chiang tried once again to work with Ch'en but came down with typhoid fever and was hospitalized in Shanghai. Chu Chih-hsin, a capable follower of Sun Yat-sen and friend of Chiang, was assassinated by the Kwangsi warlord clique in September of 1920. Chiang met with Dr. Sun the day afterward. Sun Yat-sen suggested that Chiang might undertake a mission to Russia, go to Szechwan on a military assignment or return to the Kwangtung Army to join in the struggle against the Kwangsi forces. Despite his feelings about Ch'en Chiung-ming, Chiang went back to the Kwangtung Army, which thereupon began to score some victories and captured Canton.

In a letter to Chiang at this time, Dr. Sun wrote: "Chih-hsin's sudden death has made me feel as though I had lost my hands. As I look around in the ranks of our party, I can find only a few who are versed in military affairs and whose loyalty and fidelity radiate from the core of their being. Only you have the courage and sincerity of Chih-hsin, and at the same time you surpass him in military science. You are endowed by nature with a strong character, and you tend to loathe the ways of the world with an excessive intensity. This has made it hard for you to get along smoothly with others. However, for the sake of the great responsibility imposed upon you by the party, I hope that you will exert yourself in the direction of mortifying your own views and lowering your standards of judgment, not in regard to your personal cultivation but in regard to the comrades."

Kwangtung Army conditions deteriorated further, and both Chiang and General Hsu Chung-chih, one of the commanders, went to Shanghai to report to Dr. Sun. Chiang went on to Fenghua to be with his ailing mother. Dr. Sun proceeded to Canton, where he restored the Military Government and organized a cabinet. He urged Chiang to join him, and the younger man arrived in Canton in February of 1921. However, Dr. Sun's confidence in Ch'en Chiung-ming still had not been shaken. Chiang returned to his mother, then - responding to innumerable telegrams - went back to Canton and drew up plans for an anti-Kwangsi campaign. A dream drew him back to his mother. He found her gravely ill. She died on June 16.

Plans for the Northern Expedition were revived in September. But Ch'en had entered into a secret agreement with Wu Pei-fu, who opposed the march to unify China. On one occasion, Ch'en asked Chiang, "How is it that you are so willing to cooperate with Sun?" His duplicity was clear to Chiang but not - for a long time - to Sun Yat-sen.

The formal burial of Chiang's mother took place in November. The depth of Dr. Sun's regard for Chiang is shown in his elegy for the occasion:

"What can I say? " the Founding Father asked. "I and your esteemed son Kai-shek have been friends for more than ten years. Hand in hand we have gone through many experiences of distress and peril, often finding ourselves on the borderland between life and death. Like the limbs of one body, like horses of one team, we have never parted from each other for a single moment. This intimacy has afforded me the privilege of learning something of your noble life.O Great Lady!Early widowed, you poured your motherly love and care upon your orphaned children, undergoing hardships and trials in rearing them and in shaping them into upright and exemplary characters. Upon Kai-shek, especially, you showered your loving kindness, and at the same time you trained and disciplined him with the severity of a stern teacher, pruning his faults and strengthening his moral fiber. In this way, you have brought to fulfillment his extraordinary natural endowments. As it is, he is capable of coping with all circumstances, even where safety and danger cannot be predicted and success failure hinge on the vagaries of fortune. He keeps unswervingly to the principles, and yet he knows how to adapt himself to the ever-changing circumstances. He is as free and flexible as the flowing river, and as firm and unmovable as a mountain. In our history there have been model mothers. I had only read about them but had not seen them. But after I came to know Kai-shek, I often marveled at the remarkable solidity and depth of his inborn nature and character, and at the endless resourcefulness of his well-nourished mind. From this I know that the ancient ladies might not have realized the ideal of motherhood as fully as in the present instance, and I count myself blessed in seeing it with my own eyes."

His mother gone, Chiang Kai-shek had no reservations about dedicating his life to the National Revolution. He vowed to "assist my Master as long as I live in order to requite his profound knowledge and great expectations of me, and thereby to fulfill the mission of my life." In January of 1922, Chiang was back with Dr. Sun in Kueilin, making fresh plans for the Northern Expedition. But in March, T'eng K'eng, the only high-ranking officer of Ch'en Chiung-ming's army who was of unquestionable loyalty to Sun Yat-sen, met death at the hands of an assassin. The evidence pointed to Ch'en as the instigator. Dr. Sun now realized that Ch'en would not participate in the Northern Expedition but he hoped that the Kwangtung Army would maintain order in the South. Chiang Kai-shek knew better. He wrote to Ch'en, urging him to back the Northern Expedition and support the Founding Father. "In my humble opinion," Chiang wrote, "if you are too much attached to your subjective views, our party will fall into worse confusion. Whatever the outcome of the conflict, both sides are sure to suffer wounds which will not heal and suffer unthinkable disaster. The final result will be that the defeated will of course be finished and fall once and for all from the good reputation achieved in the past, while even the victorious will feel deep shame and regret for having fought and massacred the members of their own party, thus suffering more poignant anguish than the defeated side."

Ch'en did not heed the appeal. He was secretly in league with the warlords of the North and was preparing to turn on Sun Yat-sen and destroy him. Dr. Sun went to Canton early in June. There he was given false assurances of Ch'en's loyalty. On June 13, Ch'en issued a secret order to start the rebellion against Sun Yat-sen and the Military Government. On the 15th, rebel troops marched on the Presidential Headquarters where Dr. Sun was staying. His secretary, Lin Chih-mien, warned Dr. Sun, but even then the Founding Father declined to believe that Ch'en would go to such lengths. "If Ch'en really dares to rebel, it is my sacred duty to resist and quell the rebellion. Even if our forces should prove too weak to resist the assault, I would rather die in the execution of my duty to the nation than to desert my post." He had at his command only about 50 militiamen armed with 30 rifles. At 3 o'clock in the morning, Lin and others virtually forced Dr. Sun to leave his headquarters. Rebel sentinels were already posted in the streets. Lin and Dr. Sun - wearing civilian clothes - were passed through the lines. They reached Navy headquarters and were put aboard a gunboat. A half hour after Dr. Sun's escape, rebels surrounded the Presidential Headquarters and opened fire.

Chiang Kai-shek had been deeply concerned for the safety of Dr. Sun and had urged that expeditionary troops be returned to Canton to protect him. As soon as he heard what had happened, he hastened to Dr. Sun's side. On June 29 he boarded a gunboat on which Sun Yat-sen was staying. Deadlock with the rebels ensued. When three warships fell into enemy hands, Chiang counseled departure from Whampoa for another anchorage. Dr. Sun agreed. The gunboat carrying the two was hit by fire from Fort Ch'e-wai. Dr. Sun was unafraid. He remained on the open deck, directing the answering fire. Chiang was with him. Dr. Sun finally was persuaded to go below to give medical attention to wounded crewmen. Chiang stayed at the helm for 20 minutes until the fort was safely passed. The refuge they sought was in a commercial port area. The British Commissioner of Customs at Canton expressed fear that fighting there would involve foreign warships. Dr. Sun replied: "This is not what you ought to have said. In my whole life I have never submitted to violent force, nor bowed to overweening power. All that I would recognize is justice and right. I will never brook any unreasonable interference." Another Westerner who was present told Chiang: "Only today have I begun to see Dr. Sun's true face. He is a real patriot. Who can say that there are not great men in China? "

Intent upon their efforts to rid themselves of Dr. Sun and Chiang, the rebels tried to torpedo the gunboat. The shots went wild but it become apparent that Ch'en Chiung-ming would stop at nothing. Chiang and others counseled Dr. Sun that it would be unwise to remain in such an exposed position. Sun Yat-sen finally agreed and accepted British protection. Dr. Sun and Chiang reached Hongkong August 10 and sailed aboard a liner bound for Shanghai that same day.

Once convinced of Ch'en's treachery, Dr. Sun was unforgiving. When he heard that Ch'en was claiming to be a revolutionary, Dr. Sun said: "The terms 'revolution' and 'rebellion' must not be confused. 'Revolution' is a precious and dignified term. We must know that a revolution has its principles, its spirit and its morality. The French Revolution was for liberty, the American Revolution for independence and our Revolution for the realization of triple democracy. But in Ch'en's rebellion, he set loose his troops to prey upon the people and he used underhanded means to murder. What he did was entirely contrary to the spirit and morality of Revolution. His only aim is to be a local warlord. to satisfy his selfish desires. To call such a treacherous rebellion revolutionary is to insult the name of 'Revolution.' "

In comparing and contrasting two Confucians - Dr. Sun and Chiang Kai-shek - John Wu has written: "There is a difference in their temperaments and ways of thinking. Sun is more impetuous, dynamic and intuitive, while Chiang is more reflective, methodical and logical. Sun is akin to Wang Yang-ming, while Chiang is akin to Chu Hsi. Yet - and here is the paradox - in their writings Sun emphasizes what Chu Hsi emphasizes: the attainment of knowledge through the investigation of things, while Chiang never wearies of expounding Wang Yang-ming's doctrine of intuitive knowledge. It seems to me that each is seeking something to complement his natural endowment. Chiang found in Sun the necessary source of inspiration and impetus to set him to action, and Sun found in Chiang the necessary developer and organizer of his ideas and ideals - a man who proceeds step by step and works steadily to realize the principles and programs they share in common."

Dr. Sun's affection for Chiang ran deep. Both regarded the spirit as on a higher plane than any amount of materialism. This is one of the great distinctions between Dr. Sun's San Min Chu I and the teachings of Karl Marx. In 1923, Dr. Sun wrote for Chiang Kai-shek the calligraphy for three couplets of Chiang's composition, as follows:

1. "Cultivate the Cosmic Spirit of Righteousness. Emulate the historical paragons of perfection. "

2. "Keep calm and composed under the stresses of the battleground. Steep your heart and soul in the principle of Humanity."

3. "Grasp the reason of things in their smallest beginnings. Examine the tendencies of the heart by its first motions."

Dr. Sun went on to write out the calligraphy from the Confucian Book of Rites that they both cherished. There are many translations. This one follows that of John Wu: "When the Great Way prevails, the whole world is dedicated to the common good. Officers are selected on the basis of their virtue and ability. Good faith and harmony prevail in human relations. People's love is not confined to their own parents and children. Provisions are made for the aged, employment secured for the able-bodied and education given to the young. Widows and widowers, orphans and the childless, the crippled and deformed - all are cared for. Every man has his occupation and every woman her home. Natural resources do not lie in the ground, but neither are riches stored as one's own. Labor is not idle but one does not work for one's own profit. In such a society, there is no room for selfish scheming and cunning intrigues and no occasion for banditry and other forms of disorder. Nor is there any need to lock the door. This is called the Age of Grand Harmony."

Dr. Sun sent Chiang Kai-shek to Russia in August of 1923 to study political conditions and the situation of the Communist Party. Chiang spent four months in the U.S.S.R. He observed that the military schools of Moscow were well organized. But of politics, he wrote: "From my observations of how discussions were held and resolutions passed in the Soviets at various levels, and from my conversations with Russia's important party and government leaders, I readily perceived that fierce struggles, both open and secret, were not only going on in Russia generally, but also among the Communists themselves. I became convinced that Soviet political institutions were instruments of tyranny and terror and basically incompatible with the Kuomintang's political ideals. This was something I had to go to Russia to find out. I could never have imagined it had I remained in China."

He found Russian diplomacy to be insincere, despite the promise of Adolf Joffe that the U.S.S.R. had "no intention of practicing imperialist policies in Outer Mongolia or causing its separation from China." In fact, Joffe had already lost his influence and was eventually to take his own life. "On the eve of my departure," Chiang wrote, "I received a copy of the Communist International's resolution vis-a-vis the Kuomintang. By its tenor I could tell that it had arbitrarily divided Chinese society into conflicting classes and that it was its intention to stir up conflicts among them. In fact, they paid more attention to devising ways and means against their friends than against their foes. I was naturally greatly worried."

Chiang reported his observations to Dr. Sun. Of this he has written: "Dr. Sun considered my view on the future of Sino-Russian relations over-cautious in the light of the actual situation. He believed that under the circumstances the only way to deter the Chinese Communists from inciting class conflicts and sabotaging our National Revolution was to put them under the unified control of the Kuomintang. He thought that the moment the projected Northern Expedition came to a successful conclusion, the Three People's Principles would be assured of implementation according to schedule, and that it would then be too late for the Chinese Communists to cause any trouble, even if they tried. Besides, was it not a fact that Soviet Russia recognized the Kuomintang as the one and only political party to lead China in her National Revolution? Was it not also a fact that Soviet Russia had instructed members of the Chinese Communist Party to join the Kuomintang and follow its leadership, and that Russia had even admitted the impracticality of Communism in China? It was because of the above reasoning that Dr. Sun persisted in his policy of aligning with Soviet Russia and admitting the Chinese Communists into the Kuomintang."

Chiang has explained Dr. Sun's viewpoint in these terms: "In deciding on his policy of alignment with Soviet Russia and of admitting the Chinese Communists into the Kuomintang, Dr. Sun had in mind the rallying of China's revolutionary elements and the hammering out of a united national will. If the Chinese Communists were willing to work for our National Revolution, their strength might well be placed under our party's leadership. The situation facing our revolutionary endeavors at the time was such that only Canton could serve as a suitable base. The fact remained, however, that Canton was then largely under British and French colonial influences. Before the Kuomintang could collect a revolutionary force there and launch a Northern Expedition to unify the country, it needed to enlist external assistance. Of the Western powers, some were openly hostile to our Revolutionary Government, others were largely indifferent even to our cause, and certainly none of them cared to give us a helping hand. This no doubt entered into Dr. Sun's considerations. As already mentioned, before I went to Russia, I had also believed that Russia sincerely wanted to treat us an equal and harbored no ulterior motives. But my visit completely disillusioned me. I came back convinced that though our policy of aligning with Russia and admitting the Chinese Communists into our ranks might prove useful in fighting Western colonialism for the time being, it would in the long run harm us in our struggle for national independence and freedom. Moreover, I felt strongly that Russia's strategem and program of world revolution could constitute an even greater menace to our national independence than had Western colonialism."

Sun Yat-sen was, in a sense, buying time for the National Revolution. He had no illusions about Marxism. The Chinese Communists had undertaken obstructionism and subversion even in his time. The Joint Declaration of January 26, 1923, with Adolf Joffe revealed Dr. Sun's real opinion: "Dr. Sun holds that neither the Communist social order nor the soviet system can actually be introduced into China because there do not exist here the conditions for the successful establishment of either Communism or Sovietism. This view is entirely shared by Mr. Joffe, who is further of the opinion that China's paramount and most pressing problem is to achieve national unification and to attain full national independence, and regarding this task, he has assured Dr. Sun that China has the warmest sympathy of the Russian people and can count on the support of Russia. "

One important consequence of the Russian trip was the strengthening of Chiang's conviction that a strong military organization was essential to success of the National Revolution. Soldiers had to be competent technically and at the same time be imbued with the spirit and principles of the Revolution. Dr. Sun agreed on the necessity for a military academy. In January of 1924, the Kuomintang resolved to establish the Whampoa Military Academy. It was opened the following June with Chiang as commandant. This was no school dedicated solely to guns and close order drill. The courses included political science, ethics, philosophy and economics. Party leaders gave lectures on various aspect of the Three Principles of the People.

Taking up residence at the school, Chiang dedicated himself to the routine, the hardships and the discipline of the Academy. Today those who studied at Whampoa compose a special elite among Chinese military men. The very first class was put to the test in an attempted uprising against Sun Yat-sen and came through with flying colors.

On November 13 of 1924, Sun Yat-sen left Canton for Peking on a mission that sought nothing less than peaceful unification of the country. At Whampoa, he told Chiang: "In making this trip, I realize how dangerous it is. It is far from certain whether I shall be able to return. But as my trip is for the cause of the Revolution, for the purpose of saving the country and the people, why should I consider my personal safety? Besides, I am already 59 years old. I should be contented even if I should die." Chiang asked why the Master should speak of such things. Dr. Sun replied: "Perhaps the experience of this visit has evoked these thoughts. As you know, I have always hoped that the doctrines I advocated would be carried out in practice as soon as possible. Today, on seeing that Whampoa cadets are so hard working and well-disciplined and so full of fighting spirit, I am confident that they will carry on the task of the Revolution, thus continuing my own life and realizing my ideas. Death comes to everybody sooner or later, but the point is that I can now afford to die, as I could not two or three years ago. Now that there are cadets to complete my unfinished task, I feel I can die in peace." Dr. Sun and Chiang spoke together at Whampoa for the last time.

Sun Yat-sen went to Shanghai and then to Tientsin via Japan. He was not well after reaching Tientsin, but went on to Peking on New Year's Eve. On January 26 he entered the Union Medical Hospital. An operation determined that he had cancer of the liver. He died March 12. On the following day, Whampoa forces under Chiang's command won an important engagement in the Eastern Expedition of unification. The pupil had written his Master's epitaph.

On November 12, 1966, President Chiang Kai-shek dedicated the Chinese Cultural Hall of the Chungshan Building to mark the 101st anniversary of Dr. Sun's birth. He summed up the contributions of the Founding Father in these words:

"Dr. Sun Yat-sen originated the concept of San Min Chu I and accepted the responsibility of carrying on the Chinese cultural tradition - events which not only rendered our 5,000-year-old culture perpetuating and renovated but led to its continuous refinement; the essence of Chinese culture is embodied in his philosophy. Dr. Sun said, 'Ethics is a prerequisite to the existence of a nation or the world.' This is none other than a reference to the people's innate moral inheritance implied in the classic injunction, 'All must consider cultivation of the person the root of all virtue.' Again Dr. Sun declared, 'The primary determinant prompting me to democracy is the idea of government by the people.' Again he said; 'Problems can be resolved satisfactorily only through the scientific approach.' This led to an emphasis on the improvement of the people's livelihood as the primary task of national reconstruction. There are six indispensable elements constituting the people's livelihood; they are food, clothing, housing, transportation, nurture and recreation. So Dr. Sun Yat-sen made the scientific development of these six elements the basis of his program to increase the wealth and prolong the life span of the people.

"Now in terms of Chinese philosophy, when we speak of 'giving full development to one's own nature,' are we not speaking of ethics and morality? When we speak of 'giving full development to people as a whole,' are we not speaking of science and reconstruction? I firmly believe that the essence of San Min Chu I is to be found in ethics, democracy and science; and these are likewise the foundation stones on which the traditional culture of China is built. Dr. Sun's approach to national reconstruction is based, firstly, on ethics as the root of sincerity of thought, rectification of the heart, cultivation of the personality and regulation of the family; secondly, on democracy as the blueprint of national welfare and world peace; and, lastly, on science for the enhancement of the people's livelihood by fostering correct virtue, by enhancing the utilization of things and opportunities, and by enriching life. Thus the ideology of San Min Chu I is centered on benevolence, which treats the cosmos and all things in it as one organic whole. This, then, is what the classics mean by 'virtues belonging to nature, the union of the external and the internal, and the timely appropriateness of whatever is done.' "

Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek had the experience of a beautiful friendship which played a vital part in the creation of a new China. The last chapter of this story is yet to be written. People of the Republic of China are confident that it will be expressed in keeping with the spirit of San Min Chu I and the beliefs of Dr. Sun and President Chiang. As John Wu has written, "From time immemorial, the Chinese have always aspired to the ideal of harmony - the harmony of the yin and the yang of feminine adaptability and masculine strength. Strictly speaking, a perfect attainment of this ideal is beyond human possibilities. But men of superlative greatness in the history of China such as the Duke of Chou, Confucius and Chuko Liang (at least as depicted in popular imagination by a novelist of genius) represent, each in his own mode and sphere, beautiful approximations to the ideal. Sun Yat-sen himself presents a remarkable union of strength and tenderness. For a man of his stature to discover in his young associate a similar balance of these antipodal and yet complementary qualities is tantamount to a recognition of him as his alter ego. Among his other close associates, Hu Han-min had too much of the 'mountain,' while Wang Ching-wei had too much of the 'water.' Only Chiang Kai-shek was a man after his own heart."